Working Papers #141 - 150

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Politicians, Parties and Electoral Systems: Brazil in Comparative Perspective

Scott Mainwaring

Working Paper #141 - June 1990

Scott Mainwaring is Associate Professor of Government and Senior Fellow of the Kellogg Institute at the University of Notre Dame. He is the author of The Catholic Church and Politics in Brazil, 1916-1985 (Stanford University Press, 1986) and coeditor of and contributor to The Progressive Church in Latin America (Kellogg Institute/University of Notre Dame Press, 1989). He has published numerous articles on political parties, social movements, and transitions to democracy in Latin America.

The author acknowledges the helpful comments and criticisms of Ron Archer, Tom Bruneau, Michael Coppedge, Caroline Domingo, Ken Erickson, Richard Katz, Arend Lijphart, Guillermo O'Donnell, Matthew Shugart, and Samuel Valenzuela. This paper also appeared in Comparative Politics.

Abstract

This paper looks at the political consequences and the political origins of the Brazilian electoral system. This system has several unusual features that grant politicians nonpareil autonomy with respect to their parties. These features include a system of proportional representation that uses an open list and a mechanism known as the candidato nato, which allows politicians to get on the ticket despite the opposition of the party leadership. As a result, the electoral system reinforces the individualistic behavior of politicians and has contributed to undermining efforts to build more effective parties. Notwithstanding their frequent laments about the weakness of parties, Brazilian politicians have consistently opted for electoral systems that undermine parties. They have done so because they perceived measures that could strengthen parties as authoritarian, and also in response to their fears that executives would otherwise be able to control them ruthlessly. The extreme party weakness and individualistic patterns of representation that are reinforced by this electoral system have sustained an elitist polity.

Resumen

Este trabajo examina las consecuencias políticas y los orígenes políticos del sistema electoral brasileño. Este sistema posee varias características singulares que otorgan a los políticos muchísima autonomía con respecto a sus partidos. Entre estas características se incluye un sistema de representación proporcional que usa una lista abierta y un mecanismo conocido como "candidato nato" que permite a los políticos lanzarse a la candidatura a pesar de la oposición de la dirección del partido. Como resultado, el sistema electoral refuerza el comportamiento individualista de los políticos y ha contribuido a minar los esfuerzos para construir partidos más efectivos. A pesar de sus frecuentes lamentos acerca de la debilidad de los partidos, los políticos brasileños han optado consistentemente por sistemas electorales que los debilitan. Perciben como autoritarias las medidas que pudieran fortalecer a los partidos, y también temen que el ejecutivo de otra manera podría controlarlos despiadadamente. La extrema debilidad de los partidos y los patrones individualistas de representación reforzados por las leyes electorales han sostenido un sistema político elitista.

(33 pages)

Las Condiciones Socio-Politicas de la Inauguracion Democratica en Chile

Manuel Antonio Garretón M.

Working Paper #142 - June 1990

Manuel Antonio Garretón, a Chilean sociologist, is Senior Researcher and Professor at the Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales (FLACSO) and Dean of Sociology at the Universidad Academia de Humanismo Cristiano, Santiago, Chile. He has published several books and articles on democratization processes, political parties, and the evolution of social sciences in Latin America, including The Chilean Political Process (Unwin and Hyman, 1989). From 1987 to 1990 he was a Senior Fellow of the Kellogg Institute and Visiting Professor of Sociology at the University of Notre Dame.

The author is grateful for comments from Samuel Valenzuela, Scott Mainwaring, Tim Scully, and Kathryn Sikkink.

Abstract

This paper looks at the sociopolitical conditions surrounding the March 1990 inauguration of Chile's first democratic government after sixteen years of dictatorship. The first section puts the Chilean situation in the conceptual framework of recent debates about democratization and political transitions. The author describes the principal stages of the Chilean transition, and goes on to analyze the following conditions affecting Chile's democratic prospects: the "authoritarian enclaves" left behind by the dictatorship; the links between the problem of democratic consolidation and the need for social democratization; and the particular nature of this first democratic government, which is a Center-Left coalition formed by the groups that joined together in opposition to the military regime.

Resumen

Este artículo examina las condiciones socio-políticas en las que se inaugurará el primer gobierno democrático en Chile, después de dieciséis años de dictadura militar, en marzo de 1990. En la primera parte se expone un marco conceptual para ubicar la transición chilena en el debate de los últimos años sobre democratizaciones y transiciones políticas. Luego se examinan los principales pasos de la transición en Chile. Las condiciones de inauguración son estudiadas desde la perspectiva de los "enclaves autoritarios" dejados por el régimen militar, de los requerimientos de consolidación ligados a procesos de democratización social y de la naturaleza del primer gobierno democrático que presenta la particularidad de ser una coalición de Centro e Izquierda, uniendo el conjunto de la Oposición al régimen militar.

(22 pages)

Reappraising the Role of the Center: The Case of the Chilean Party System

Timothy R. Scully

Working Paper #143 - September 1990

Timothy R. Scully, CSC, is a Senior Fellow of the Kellogg Institute and Assistant Professor of Government and International Studies at the University of Notre Dame. He has written extensively on political parties, including a book, Rethinking the Center: Cleavages, Critical Junctures, and Party Evolution in Chile (Stanford University Press: 1992), and he is coeditor of a volume with Scott Mainwaring, Building Democratic Institutions: Parties and Party Systems in Latin America (Stanford University Press: 1995).

The author wishes to acknowledge the helpful comments and criticisms of Scott Mainwaring, Ronald P. Archer, and David Collier, and other colleagues at the Kellogg Institute.

Abstract

With the return of competitive party politics in Chile, and the reemergence of its characteristic tripartite party system, the problematic of the role played by the center in a multiparty system takes on added importance. First, the paper provides a critical review of previous interpretations of the role of center parties. Next, it briefly explores efforts to constitute and reconstitute the center over a period of twelve decades of party competition. After examining the emergence and behavior of the Liberals in the 19th century, the Radicals in the first-half of the 20th century, and later the Christian Democrats, the analysis returns to theoretical considerations and proposes an alternative understanding of the center, based on the Chilean experience. The paper concludes with a broad overview of the post-Pinochet party system and, again focusing on the role of the center, points out major elements of continuity and change within the party system.

Resumen

Con la vuelta de la competencia política en Chile, y la reaparición de sus características tripartitas, el problema del papel del centro político dentro del sistema multipartidista cobra renovada importancia. Este ensayo examina, primero, previas interpretaciones sobre el tema. Enseguida, se exploran los multiples esfuerzos para constituir, y reconstituir, el centro político durante un período de doce décadas de competencia política. Después de haber examinado la emergencia y comportamiento de los Liberales en el siglo 19, de los Radicales en la primera mitad del siglo 20, y de los Demócratas Cristianos más recientemente, el análisis vuelve a algunas consideraciones teóricas y propone una perspectiva alternativa sobre el centro político, basada en la experiencia de Chile. El ensayo concluye con una visión más generalizada del sistema de partídos post-Pinochet y, de nuevo enfocado en el centro político, señala los elementos principales de continuidad y cambio dentro del sistema de partidos.

(42 pages)

Presidentialism, Multiparty Systems, and Democracy: The Difficult Equation

Scott Mainwaring

Working Paper #144 - September 1990

Scott Mainwaring is Associate Professor of Government and Senior Fellow of the Kellogg Institute at the University of Notre Dame. He is the author of The Catholic Church and Politics in Brazil, 1916-1985 (Stanford University Press, 1986), and coeditor of and contributor to The Progressive Church in Latin America (Kellogg Institute/University of Notre Dame Press, 1989). He has published articles on political parties, social movements, and transitions to democracy in Latin America.

The author is grateful to Ron Archer, Caroline Domingo, Manuel Antonio Garretón, Arend Lijphart, and Matthew Shugart for helpful comments on earlier drafts of this paper. He is also grateful to several colleagues for providing electoral data without which he could not have written the paper: Ron Archer for Colombia; Charlie Gillespie for Uruguay; John Roos for the United States; Tim Scully for Chile; and Daniel Levine and Matthew Shugart for Venezuela.

Abstract

This paper argues that the combination of a multiparty system and a presidential system is inimical to stable democracy. The paper presents empirical evidence that shows that few (4 of 25) stable democracies have presidential systems. Several features of presidential systems contribute to explaining why so few have become stable democracies; this paper focuses particularly on the possibility that presidential systems are more prone to immobilism, weak executive power, and destabilizing executive/legislative conflict than parliamentary systems. The paper then shows that among all of the cases (past or present) of stable presidential democracy, only one-the Chilean-had a multiparty system. In presidential democracies, two-party systems are more capable of avoiding immobilism and intense legislative/executive conflict because they facilitate the formation of a government with a majority (or close to it) in congress, and also because ideological polarization is less likely with only two parties.

Resumen

Este trabajo argumenta que la combinación de un sistema de partidos multipartidario y un sistema presidencialista es adversa a la democracia estable. El trabajo presenta evidencia empírica que muestra que pocas democracias estables (4 de 25) tienen sistemas presidencialistas. Varias características del presidencialismo contribuyen a explicar por qué tales democracias no suelen ser estables; este trabajo se concentra particularmente en la posibilidad de que los sistemas presidencialistas están más propensos al inmovilismo, a un poder ejecutivo débil, y a un conflicto desestabilizador entre los poderes ejecutivo y legislativo que los sistemas parlamentaristas. Entre todos los casos (pasados o presentes) de democracias presidencialistas estables, solamente uno-el de Chile-tuvo un sistema multipartidario. En las democracias presidencialistas, los sistemas de dos partidos tienen más capacidad para evitar el inmovilismo y el intenso conflicto entre los poderes legislativo y ejecutivo porque ellos facilitan la formación de un gobierno con una mayoría (o casi una mayoría) en el congreso, y también porque la polarización ideológica es menos probable con sólo dos partidos.

(28 pages)

Los Partidos Politicos Uruguayos en el Proceso de Transicion Hacia la Democracia

Juan Rial

Working Paper #145 - October 1990

Juan Rial, historian and political scientist, is a researcher at PEITHO, Sociedad de Análisis Político, in Montevideo. He recently coedited The Military and Democracy: The Future of Civil-Military Relations in Latin America (Lexington Books, 1990). During the 1986-87 academic year he was a Residential Fellow at the Kellogg Institute.

Abstract

During the military rule in Uruguay 1973-84, the political parties of the Marxist left were disbanded. The others were frozen. The military regime failed the test of legitimacy that it set for itself in 1980 by trying to establish a new constitution. The plebiscite was won by the opposition and this was a turning point in the political process. A very negotiated transition of regime followed and the principal actors of the transition were the traditional parties, the Colorado and the National. The left was represented by social movements that operated as political actors. The pact between the armed forces and the political parties ended with the de facto legalization of the parties of the left and an election with a "safe result" for the military. The result was a restauration of the liberal regimen that existed in Uruguay in 1973.

Resumen

Durante el régimen militar en Uruguay en 1973-84 los partidos políticos de la izquierda marxista fueron desbandados. Los demás quedaron congelados. El régimen militar fracasó ante la prueba de legitimación que se había propuesto a sí mismo en 1980, tratando de establecer una nueva constitución. La oposición ganó el plebiscito y éste fue un punto decisivo en el proceso político. Continuó una transición muy negociada por el régimen y los principales actores de la transición fueron los partidos tradicionales, el Colorado y el Nacional. La izquierda estaba representada por movimientos sociales que operaban como actores políticos. El pacto entre las fuerzas armadas y los partidos políticos concluyó con la de facto legalización de los partidos de izquierda y las elecciones con un "resultado seguro" para los militares. El resultado fue la restauración del régimen liberal que existió en Uruguay desde 1973.

(60 pages)

Monopoly Profits and the Law of One Price: The Cost of Misapplied Theory

Jaime Mezzera

Working Paper #146 - October 1990

Jaime Mezzera is an official of the Regional Employment Programme for Latin America and the Caribbean (PREALC) of the International Labour Office (ILO). This paper was prepared during the spring 1990 semester while he was a Residential Fellow at the Kellogg Institute. Opinions and views set forth in this paper are not the official position of any of the institutions with which he is affiliated.

Abstract

This paper discusses why the neoliberal policy package used in Uruguay during the period 1978-82 was doomed to failure, the main reason being that the underlying theoretical model assumes perfectly competitive markets whereas the crucial markets remained oligopolistic or even monopolistic during a significantly long period. The paper contends that this led to incumbent firms being able to price imported goods at prices higher than those of the domestic imperfect substitutes; in other words, the law of one price failed. The argument is modeled on the basis of assuming imperfect markets and the model is shown to correctly "predict the past."

Resumen

Este trabajo analiza las causas por las cuales el paquete de las políticas neoliberales no tuvieron éxito en Uruguay durante el período 1978-82, principalmente debido a que el modelo teórico tratado presupone mercados competitivos perfectos, mientras que los mercados cruciales se caracterizaron por ser oligopólicos e incluso monopólicos durante un período significante. El trabajo afirma que ésto indujo a las respectivas compañías a fijar precios de bienes importados más altos que los precios de los sustitutos imperfectos domésticos, es decir, la ley de un precio fracasó. El argumento es desarrollado mediante un modelo basado en el supuesto de mercados imperfectos que trata de "predecir el pasado" correctamente.

(37 pages)

Television and the Elites in Postanthoritarian Brazil

Maria Helena de Magalhães Castro

Working Paper #147 - November 1990

Maria Helena de Magalhães Castro was a residential fellow at the Institute during the fall semester, 1988, and is currently completing her doctoral studies in political science at Duke University. She is coauthor of Regionalismo e Centralização Política: Partidos e Constituinte no Pós-30 (1980) and of an article entitled "Iniciativa Privada, Tecnologia e Industrialização: Os primordios de um debate" (Dados 1985). Previously she worked as a reporter for the Correio da Manhã and the Jornal do Brasil.

Abstract

Brazil has never before had political democracy along with mass television. This study deals with two ongoing processes related to this unprecedented combination: television's adjustment to competitive politics and the incorporation of television into the new political order by the power elites. On the one hand, television has immensely expanded its coverage of domestic politics, conquering publics (such as prestige press professionals) who used to despise it as a third-class news-maker. On the other hand, the power elites have come to perceive and employ television as a decisive political resource. The author has reconstructed the recent history (1979-88) of late-night interview and debate ("forum politics") programs, which have consolidated a sizeable space in commercial networks despite their numerically minuscule audience ratings (below one percent). The hypothesis that they are motivated by political interests, rather than commercial calculation, was fully verified. The findings also showed that a) the "forum politics" programs constitute an extension of the political arena and are at the intersection between the interests of the networks, the power elites, and major political journalists in using television as a political resource, and that b) these programs entirely violate the logic of regular television programming. In addition, the research revealed unexplored dimensions of political journalism, the new influence of television in the political agenda, the businesses of television programming and of audience measurements. Finally, this study found that none of the segments involved in maintaining "forum politics" programs (from producers to guests and sponsors) is interested in reaching a larger public. Indications are that these programs do have a wider audience than is assumed but it has been discouraged by the specialized language they employ.

Resumo

Esse estudo trata de dois processos; a de ajustamento da televisão brasileira à democratização do país e o de incorporação da televisão, pelas elites dirigentes, à nova ordem política. De um lado, a televisão expandiu tremendamente sua cobertura sobre política interna, conquistando públicos e setores (como profissionais da grande imprensa escrita) que a discriminavam como fonte de informação de terceira categoria. De outro lado, a televisão passou a ser percebida e utilizada como recurso político decisivo pelas elites dirigentes. Essa pesquisa reconstitui a história recente (1979-88) de programas de debate e entrevistas ("fôros") que se consolidaram no horário noturno e em redes comerciais, apesar de não terem um volume de audiência que os justifique. A hipótese de que eles possuem uma lógica política, e não comercial, se verificou plenamente. Os resultados demonstram que os programas "foros" a) constituem uma interseção significativa entre os interesses das emissoras, das elites dirigentes e de grandes nomes da imprensa escrita, em se utilizar do veículo como recurso político e, b) fogem inteiramente à lógica da programação da televisão brasileira. Além disso, a pesquisa revelou dimensões inexploradas do jornalismo político, da pesquisa de audiências, da comercialização da programação de tarde da noite e da participação da televisão na formação da agenda política. Revelou, por fim, o desinteresse dos agentes envolvidos nos "foros" (de produtores a convidados e anunciantes) em atender ao público real desses programas; um público maior do que o pretendido e ávido de informação, mas que se vê discriminado pela linguagem qualificada adotam.

(28 pages)

Towards a Theory of British Economic Decline: The Case of Shipbuilding, 1890-1970

Edward H. Lorenz

Working Paper #148 - November 1990

Edward H. Lorenz is Assistant Professor of Economics and a Fellow of the Kellogg Institute at the University of Notre Dame. He is the author of a number of articles on managerial strategies and industrial relations, including "Neither Friends nor Strangers: Informal Networks of Subcontracting in French Industry" in Trust: Making and Breaking Cooperative Relations, Diego Gambetta, ed. (1988).

His book, The Logic of Competitive Decline: The British Shipbuilding Industry 1890-1970 was published in 1991 by Oxford University Press.

A French translation of a modified version of this articlewas published in Revue Travail et Emploi N° 46, December 1990. The author is grateful to Gerald Berk, Amitava Dutt, Victor Goldberg, David Hachen, Ernesto Livacich, Donald McCloskey, Daniel Nelson, Patrick O'Brien, and Steven Tolliday for their comments on earlier versions of the text. Special thanks are due to Frank Wilkinson for allowing the author to refer to his unpublished work on shipbuilding industrial relations, and to Diego Gambetta whose suggestions have been invaluable in raising the level of the argument. The research on which this paper is based was funded in part by the Economic and Social Research Council (UK) under its Postdoctoral Research Fellowship Scheme. The contents are the responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Economic and Social Research Council.

Abstract

A basic aim of this essay is to provide a persuasive explanation for the competitive decline of the British shipbuilding industry. Starting from a position of undisputed international preeminence at the turn of the century, Britain was reduced to a comparatively insignificant producer of ships by 1970. What accounts for the remarkable competitive reversal of this once great industry? In addition to providing an answer to this question, the author aims to indicate the directions of a theory of British economic decline. (The words "towards a theory" in the title are used advisedly: while the theoretical argument is presented in general terms, its relevance is only demonstrated with reference to the case of the shipbuilding industry.) The first section of the paper presents the basic facts concerning the decline of the British shipbuilding industry. The second section contrasts the assumptions and conditions of the argument developed here with those of the principal explanations in the literature for Britain's economic decline. The third section offers some reasons for the competitive success of British shipbuilding prior to the Second World War, and the penultimate section develops an explanation for the subsequent decline of the industry. The concluding section presents the more general argument about British economic decline.

Resumen

Uno de los principales objetivos de este artículo es el de proporcionar una explicación persuasiva sobre la decreciente competitividad de la industria constructora de buques británica. Partiendo desde indisputable predominancia a nivel internacional hacia principios de este siglo, Gran Bretaña llegó a ser un productor de barcos relativamente insignificante en 1970. ¿A qué se debió este impresionante revés de esta otrora gran industria? Además de contestar esta pregunta, el autor intenta presentar una teoría sobre la declinación de la industria británica (las palabras del título, "hacia una teoría," son usadas con la intensión de presentar el argumento teórico en términos generales, mientras que su importancia sólo se demuestra en el contexto de la industria constructora de buques). La primera sección de este trabajo presenta los hechos básicos referentes a la declinación de la industria constructora de buques británica. La segunda parte discute los presupuestos y las condiciones sobre el argumento desarrollado aquí con las principales explicaciones de la literatura actual. La tercera sección plantea algunas de las causas del éxito competitivo de la industria constructora de buques británica anterior a la Segunda Guerra Mundial, mientras que la penúltima sección estudia su posterior declinación. La última sección presenta argumentos más generales sobre la declinación de la economía británica.

(35 pages)

Trust, Cooperation, and Flexibility: International Comparisons

Edward H. Lorenz

Working Paper #149 - November 1990

His book, The Logic of Competitive Decline: The British Shipbuilding Industry 1890-1970 was published in 1991 by Oxford University Press.

This paper was presented at the 1989 Annual Meeting of the Industrial Relations Research Association held in Atlanta, Georgia. The author wishes to express his appreciation to Frank Wilkinson, Michael McPherson, and David Hachen for their comments on earlier versions or on related work. Special thanks go to Gerald Berk. A number of the key ideas presented in this paper were worked out jointly while coteaching a course on comparative political economy during 1988-89. The author remains responsible for their presentation prior to all the difficulties being ironed out. The research for this work was funded in part by the Economic and Social Research Council (UK) under its Postdoctoral Research Fellowship Scheme. Its contents are the responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Economic and Social Research Council.

Abstract

This paper develops a hypothesis concerning the success of manufacturers in West Germany and Japan, in comparison with their counterparts in Britain and France, in achieving organizational flexibility at the level of the firm. The key dimensions of organizational flexibility are the use of workers with wider skills to achieve more flexible divisions of labor and the involvement of employees in task-related decisions to improve product quality and to increase the firm's capacity for process innovation. The paper argues that in the case of the European nations under consideration, perceptions of mutual dependency between labor and management stemming from labor's organizational strength at the plant level encourage management to involve workers in the determination of working conditions. Owing to labor's organizational strength, management recognizes that the condition for the exercise of its authority is workers' consent. In the case of Japan, the rational argument based on power is supplemented by reference to the way the widely espoused social norm of exercising power with benevolence encourages management to consult the work force. The purpose of the paper, however, is not to suggest that all the actions of management and labor in Japan are blindly motivated by social norms while those of their passionless counterparts in Europe are strictly instrumental in achieving egoistic aims. The paper proposes an eclectic explanation. Japanese managements consult their work force in part because they believe it to be in their best interest, but also because they believe it to be the right thing to do. Normative and rational motivations combine and reinforce each other. In Europe, where comparable norms are lacking, the rational argument concerning labor's strength and perceptions of mutual dependency carries the entire burden of explanation.

Resumen

Este trabajo analiza la hipótesis sobre el éxito de los productores de manufacturas para alcanzar flexibilidad organizativa a nivel de las empresas, comparando los casos de la República Federal Alemana y el Japón con Gran Bretaña y Francia. Las dimensiones claves de la flexibilidad organizativa son el uso de trabajadores con un alto grado de especialización para alcanzar una flexibilidad mayor en la división del trabajo y la participación de éstos en decisiones relacionadas con el mejoramiento de la calidad de los productos y así aumentar la capacidad de los procesos innovadores de las empresas. En el caso de las naciones europeas consideradas el trabajo sostiene que el enfoque de dependencia mutua entre trabajadores y empresas, debido a la fuerza organizativa de los trabajadores a nivel de planta, alienta a las empresas a la participación de los trabajadores en la determinación de las condiciones de trabajo. Las empresas reconocen que, ante la fuerza organizativa de los trabajadores, la condición para ejercitar su autoridad es el consenso con los trabajadores. En el caso de Japón, el argumento racional basado en esta relación de poder se complementa haciendo referencia a la forma en que las extensas interrelaciones de las normas sociales de ejercer poder con benevolencia alienta a las empresas a consultar a la fuerza laboral. Sin embargo, la intención del trabajo no es la de sugerir que en Japón todas las acciones de las empresas y los trabajadores están ciegamente motivadas por normas sociales, mientras que las de su insensible contraparte en Europa son estrictamente instrumentales para alcanzar propósitos egoístas. El trabajo propone una explicación ecléctica. Las empresas japonesas consultan su fuerza laboral en parte debido a que creen que ésto las beneficiará, pero también porque creen que es lo correcto. Las motivaciones normativas y racionales se combinan y refuerzan entre sí. En Europa, a falta de normas comparables, la explicación se basa en el argumento racional sobre la fuerza de los trabajadores y el enfoque de mutua dependencia.

(21 pages)

Democratic Consolidation in Post-Transitional Settings: Notion, Process, and Facilitating Conditions

J. Samuel Valenzuela

Working Paper #150 - December 1990

J. Samuel Valenzuela is a Senior Fellow of the Kellogg Institute and Professor and Chair of Sociology at the University of Notre Dame. He is the author of Democratización vía reforma: La expansión del sufragio en Chile; coeditor of Military Rule in Chile: Dictatorships and Oppositions and of Chile: Politics and Society; and editor of Labor Movements in Transitions to Democracy [forthcoming]. His articles on comparative labor, development theory, and political change have appeared in English, Spanish, Italian, and French publications.

This paper began as a "think piece" entitled "Some Thoughts on the Consolidation of Democracies" written for a workshop on processes of democratic consolidation in Western Europe and Latin America, organized by Guillermo O'Donnell and Philippe Schmitter and held at the Kellogg Institute in April 1987. The author wishes to thank both organizers of that workshop for their reactions, and Guillermo O'Donnell for the many conversations held over the course of two years that have helped to clarify his thinking on the topic. The paper also benefitted from comments on a second version by David Collier, Arend Lijphart, Guillermo O'Donnell, Philippe Schmitter, Alfred Stepan, and Carlos Waismann. The author's appreciation as well to Guillermo O'Donnell, Scott Mainwaring, and Timothy Scully for their encouragement and observations on this version, while he takes responsibility for the deficiencies that remain. The paper will appear in Scott Mainwaring, Guillermo O'Donnell, and J. Samuel Valenzuela, eds., Issues and Prospects of Democratic Consolidation: The New South American Democracies in Comparative Perspective [Kellogg Institute series with University of Notre Dame Press].

Abstract

While a growing literature addresses the difficulties of achieving democratic consolidation, there has often been little clarity over the meaning of this notion, and over the process by which it is achieved. Therefore, building on a minimal formal definition of democracy, this paper presents a delimited conception of democratic consolidation and of the process for reaching it. It also discusses five broad conditions that facilitate (or hinder) consolidation. These have to do with the modalities through which the transitions to democratic governments took place, the influence of historical memories of alternative regimes, the moderation of political conflict, the management of social conflict, and the subordination of the military to the democratic government.

Resumen

Aunque un creciente número de escritos se refieren a las dificultades de lograr la consolidación de la democracia, a menudo ha faltado claridad respecto tanto a lo que ello significa como al proceso mediante el cual se alcanzaría. Por esto, partiendo de una definición mínima y formal de la democracia, se presenta aquí una concepción delimitada de la consolidación y del proceso que conduce a ella. Se discuten además cinco grandes condicionantes que la facilitarían (o impedirían). Éstas se refieren a las modalidades de la transición hacia gobiernos democráticos, al impacto de la memoria histórica de regímenes alternativos, a la moderación del conflicto político, al encauzamiento del conflicto social, y a la subordinación militar al gobierno democrático.

(37 pages)