SOCIAL ACTIVISM THROUGH COMPUTER NETWORKS

University of Notre Dame

Abstract

This paper examines the contribution of computer-assisted communication and computer networks to the formation and functioning of social movements and collective behavior. Although the resources for data in this area are ideally suited to investigate some of the current issues and debates within the field of social movement scholarship, very little research has been directed toward understanding the processes of activist computer use and the results for social movements. I outline key characteristics of computer-mediated communication that have ramifications for social movements and identify potentially fruitful areas for research using the activist computer forum.

 

Biographical Note: Daniel J. Myers is Assistant Professor of Sociology, University of Notre Dame, 325 O'Shaughnessy Hall, Notre Dame, IN 46556, (219) 631-3839, Myers.33@nd.edu, http://www.nd.ed/~dmyers. His current interests are in diffusion models for collective behavior, game theory, and racial rioting.

 

SOCIAL ACTIVISM THROUGH COMPUTER NETWORKS

 

As new communication technologies have taken hold and diffused throughout societies there have been continual debates about the positive and negative effects of these technologies on our social systems (Rogers, 1986; Downing, Fasano, Friedland, McCullough, Mizrahi, and Shapiro, 1991). A multitude of relationships between the diffusion of computer technology and various social variables have been proposed and examined. Educational systems and opportunities, work activities, and privacy rights are only a few societal characteristics that have been touched by computer technology (Dutton, Rogers, and Jun, 1987).

Of particular interest to many social scientists is how new technologies effect inequality in society (Katzman, 1974; Tichenor, Donohue, and Olien, 1970; Gaziano, 1983; Kling and Iacono, 1988). In general, these scholars observe superior access to new technologies by those in higher socioeconomic positions (Molotch and Lester, 1974). Inequality of access to technology, in turn leads to more social privilege, thus widening the socioeconomic gap between the information rich and the information poor (Rogers, 1986, p. 72). The modern effects of computer access on inequality reflect the concerns of earlier elite theorists who felt that professionalism and privileged access to information were key elements in causing increased concentration of power in the hands of a relatively few powerful elites (e.g. Michels, 1962; Mills, 1956).

In contrast to the elite theorists, pluralists argued that power was actually becoming less centralized (Dahl, 1961; 1971). Pluralists saw advances in technology as providing the potential for greater democratization and increased participation in political processes (Bachrach, 1967; Laudon, 1977). Some scholars have begun to observe growing attempts to utilize new communication technology, especially computer technology, in the interests of the less privileged (e.g. McCullough, 1991). In particular, as social movement activists have become more sophisticated computer users, some of the resources once monopolized by the "establishment" are being used to improve communication among activists (e.g. Signorile, 1993). Activists throughout the world now use their access to established networks, via the Internet and Usenet, as well as specialized networks such as Peacenet and Econet, to communicate about social movement activities and to form collective action agendas.

The range of activity in these networks is well suited to examining a number of practical and theoretical questions regarding social movements and the contributions of communication technology to social change. How do activists utilize computer-assisted communication? Does new communication technology change the way social movements are born, rise, and fall? Can computerized communication arenas provide access to information about the social movement process that has been inaccessible until now? Most importantly, can the information recorded in these forums provide for competitive tests among contending theories of social movements and collective action?

Consider, as an example, the two dominant theoretical perspectives regarding social movements and collective behavior: Resource mobilization, the dominant paradigm guiding social movement research throughout the 1970s and into the 1980s, and the more recently developed "new social movement" theory. Resource mobilization abandoned earlier psychological approaches to collective action and introduced resources, organizing, and rationality as the key variables explaining the emergence of social movements and collective action (Morris and Herring, 1987; McCarthy and Zald, 1973; Tilly, 1978; Oberschall, 1973; Jenkins, 1983). Despite the attractiveness of resource mobilization and its proven utility to social movement scholars, important aspects of social movements remain unexplained by resource mobilization theory (Mueller, 1992; Zald, 1992). The result has been the rise of new social movement theory, which emphasizes social psychological processes, collective identity, and continuity as complements to the manipulation of resources described in resource mobilization theory (Melucci, 1989; Taylor and Whittier, 1992).

Current debates in the field stem from the intersection of these two perspectives; the issues, therefore, related to computer-assisted communication outlined in this paper are drawn directly from both resource mobilization and new social movement theory. Not only can the researcher use data from activist computer use to examine resource mobilization processes, such as attempts to gather and allocate collective resources, plan strategies, and perpetuate the movement, but she or he can also observe processes related to the formation of collective identities and solidarity.

Despite its potential, computer-assisted communication has not been systematically investigated as a contributor to social movements and collective behavior. Thus, the purpose of this paper is to outline key issues in need of investigation which could shed considerable light on the role of technology and communication in social movements and inform theoretical debates in the field of social movement scholarship.

 

COMPUTER STRUCTURES FOR ACTIVISM

Social movement activists use computers to communicate with other activists in several complementary ways. These methods range from the relatively unorganized and individualistic use of electronic mail networks to systems professionally organized specifically for activism. The most informal method involves the personal use of electronic mail. Activists will send items of relevance to friends, colleagues, and fellow activists, who in turn may be spurred into action by the message. Each person who receives the message has the option to forward it to her or his acquaintances. The result is an effective information network powered by electronic mail forwarding. Using this method, activists can relay messages to thousands of like-minded computer users in a very short time.

A related method also takes advantage of electronic mail technology. In this case an organization or individual sets up a clearinghouse for information related to a particular movement. Individuals then send information relevant to their movement to the clearinghouse address. Interested individuals "subscribe" to the clearinghouse service, which upon receipt of a contribution automatically sends an electronic mail message to all its subscribers containing the contents of the contribution. This method is an extremely efficient means for activists to send information to hundreds or even thousands of activists whom they have never met. After the message is sent through the clearinghouse service, the personal message forwarding process takes over as activists forward to their acquaintances all or part of the information they have received. The clearinghouse method requires considerably more organization and sustained commitment because activists must take responsibility for starting the clearinghouse, maintaining subscription lists, monitoring the content of contributions, and ensuring the proper functioning of the service.

With the advent and popularization of the World Wide Web, activists and activist organizations have created thousands of "home pages" that provide information on activist concerns and activities. Web pages offer advances over previous modes of electronic communication because they allow individuals to easily distribute formatted text and graphics. Furthermore, the ease of navigating the web via "point-and-click" hypertext links encourages use among those activists who may be less technically knowledgeable. The web is more limited, however, with regard to interactivity. Activist web pages usually consist of static documents which can only be updated by the author and the technical knowledge necessary to maintain even a low degree of interactivity is beyond most activist users.

The final method is the most formal of the four and involves computer networks dedicated to activism. The networks may be as small as local bulletin-board systems or as large as the international Institute for Global Communications (IGC), which houses thousands of computer "conferences" related to activists' concerns (Institute for Global Communications, 1991). Beyond what is required for maintaining a clearinghouse-type service or individual web pages, these networks must also purchase and maintain hardware and provide facilities to house the system. Larger systems employ paid staff to maintain equipment and software, solicit users, and perform fiscal accounting functions. Through electronic mail and conferences dedicated to specific movement interests, these networks provide to activists--who normally would never meet or communicate with each other--an inexpensive forum for discussing issues, advertising activities, and providing information about the development of social movement organizations (Downing, 1989). Other computer services (e.g., Usenet, America Online) also provide conferencing and electronic mail functions that are used by activists; organizations such as IGC, however are dedicated to activism.

 

SPECIAL CHARACTERISTICS OF COMPUTER-ASSISTED COMMUNICATION

 

Speed and Cost

Computer networking technology changes and enhances the character of social movements in a number of ways. Because it is the collective nature of social movements that separates them from other types of human activity, any technology that changes the collective character of a movement has important ramifications for the processes and effects of social movements. The computerized networks alter the nature of social movements mainly through the speed and ease of information transfer. Information can be transmitted to thousands of nodes all over the globe, almost effortlessly and extremely inexpensively, in literally minutes.

The speed-to-cost ratio involved in disseminating information is truly an advance on previous systems of communication. After start-up investments, information can be sent to thousands of other activists for only a few cents or sometimes even for nothing. Access to computer networking facilities of friends, employers, and universities sometimes makes start-up costs negligible as well. The time and resources involved in sending the message to thousands of people through the network amount to only a small fraction of what it would take to achieve the same result through the telephone. Similarly, the time and money involved in distributing the same information through the mail--even within one country--would be prohibitive.

An example of this process occurred in late 1992 when Mattel released a new Barbie doll called "Teen Talk Barbie." These dolls were programmed to say different things that were supposed to be related to being a teenage young woman. One sentence the teen Barbie spouted was "Math class is tough." Recognizing that this message reinforced the prevailing socialization of young women to fear math and to feel unable to perform mathematical tasks (Widnall, 1988), an association of women scholars mounted a campaign to get Barbie to stop saying "Math class is tough." Part of this attempt was an electronic mail message sent to women academics explaining the situation, urging action, and providing names and addresses at the Mattel headquarters. By the time this message reached me, it had been forwarded three times and I was a member of a list of 90 people who received the message. If the message had reached me through a similar pattern of forwarding, it could have reached a maximum of more than 65 million computer sites from just three forwards! Although it is unlikely that each person who received the message forwarded it to 90 people, the point is still clear: The ease of forwarding messages and sending the same message to multiple sites can result in a tremendous diffusion of information in an extremely short period of time. The advantages of speed and ease are, however, inextricably connected with the disadvantages of information overload (Pool, 1983; Katzman, 1974). Although information reaches thousands of nodes, the question remains whether the information is digested by the audience or passed over like so much junk mail.

 

Accuracy

One important asset the computer network has is the accurate replication of information to the thousands of nodes it touches. Because of forwarding capabilities, original messages can travel through many network nodes without the slightest distortion. The result is widespread dissemination without the misinformation that typically results from pass-along methods of information distribution (Turner and Killian, 1972). Given social movements' tendencies to rely on informal networks to distribute information about the grievances and activities of the movement, the computer network marks a substantial advance in communication procedures. Social movement campaigns which rely heavily on details such as accurate addresses or phone numbers can expect these details to be distributed more accurately and easily by electronic means than by word of mouth. In the Barbie incident, accurate information about the exact nature of the problem, how to respond, and where to direct responses reached every person who received the message. The result of the Barbie campaign was a promise by Mattel to replace dolls that made the math statement and to volunteer Barbie for pro-math advertising.

 

Interactivity

The ability of computers to expand levels of interactivity is one of the key characteristics that change the way social movements use communication technology. Using computers, activists have access to time-shifted interaction, simultaneous interaction, and easy connections to other ideologically-aligned people whom they may not even know personally. All of these interactive characteristics can facilitate the operation of social movements and combine to provide advances on earlier communication methods utilized by activists.

 

The Micro-Social Roles of Computer Conferencing

One important function of computer conferences such as those that exist on IGC's Peacenet and Econet, relates to the micro-social processes that sustain social movements. As many scholars have observed (e.g., McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, 1988), it is essential for movements to exploit communication resources in order to achieve their goals. Communication must be able to "generate sympathy among bystanders" and maintain "legitimacy and efficacy" among movement participants (McAdam et al., 1988). Each of these functions can be observed directly in activist conferences. In fact, these two functions often are the main activity in movement-related computer conferences. One conference on IGC's Peacenet dedicated to the pursuit of gay and lesbian rights contains many articles reporting on developments throughout the world that extend greater rights to the gay and lesbian population. Furthermore, efforts are made to enhance activist efficacy by attributing these changes directly to the action of people within the movement. Amnesty International is one of the most active organizations in attempting to maintain efficacy among its activists as it tracks and reports on its group's letter-writing efforts. Highlighting these successes helps to encourage future activism and strengthens support for the organizing body.

Given the broad range of issues subsumed under the IGC networks, activists also have an opportunity to send their message to "third party audiences" (Oliver, 1989), that is, people not directly involved in their own organization. Gaining at least silent support for a movement's goals and actions is essential for movement success. Without gaining tacit support, movements are likely to encounter insurmountable resistance and will not be able to move forward on their agendas. Again, this function is evident in activist networks in which urgent issues regarding specific movements are advertised in general-interest conferences and activists are encouraged to read material outside their specific area of involvement. Although Amnesty International's overt attempt seems to be to find letter writers, the latent effect of their solicitations is to spread information about the appalling conditions, torture, and human rights violations endured by political prisoners throughout the world. The result is strong pro-Amnesty International feelings that lend strength to the Amnesty International agenda.

Although social psychological grievances have never seemed to be strong predictors of the emergence of social movements, (McCarthy and Zald, 1973; 1977; Tilly, 1978; Jenkins, 1983), McAdam, McCarthy and Zald (1988) point out the important role these grievances play in producing the pool of potential activists, "the more integrated the person is into the aggrieved community, the more readily he or she can be mobilized for participation." Although having a sympathetic attitude toward a movement does not necessarily compel an individual to become an activist, such an attitude is an important underlying prerequisite. The announcements, conversations, and reactions in computer conferences certainly facilitate awareness of movement issues and often are designed to elicit appropriately sympathetic attitudes, thereby moving the individual reader into the pool of potential activists.

Another function of computer networking apparent in the text of activist conferences is direct recruiting through calls to action and solicitation of funds. Given what we know about activists becoming involved in new movements partially as a result of their involvement in other movements and organizations (e.g. McCarthy and Zald, 1973; McAdam, 1986; Ryan, 1992), we might view a computerized forum such as Peacenet as a virtual breeding ground for movement activists. Both direct involvement in conversations with other activists and simply reading announcements and information about protest activity can convince activists to take on new causes, develop new identities, and be socialized into new roles. This type of computer networking allows an individual access to information about new issues and movements while investing only small amounts of time and energy.

 

Mass Media versus Computer Networks

Social movement activists have long depended on the successful use of mass media to achieve their goals and get their message to potential movement participants (Morris, 1984). Although this method of disseminating information about grievances is inexpensive and reaches a very broad audience, activists often have to resort to radical behavior to get media attention, and they generally must turn control of the movement's message over to reporters and editors who may be unsympathetic or may distort the movement's message (Oliver, 1989; Jackson, Peterson, Bull, Monson, and Richmond, 1960).

In addition to this loss of control over the message of the movement, mass media function differently than computer networks with regard to the process of coordinating action. The mass media essentially involve one-way communication and do not necessarily attempt to coordinate action. The computer network, on the other hand, has the ability to reach people who are separated by great geographical distances (just as the media do), but it also allows them to return communication. The result is that along with purposeful coordination of action, there are opportunities for clarification and solicitation of agreement on plans of action. The computer network also, however, loses some of the effect of mass media because of the limited and selective audience it serves. Thus, although some coordinating gains are made by computer networks, it is extremely unlikely that computer technology will be able to reach even a small percentage of those whom traditional mass media can.

 

Density of Aggrieved Populations

Many social change theorists and social movement scholars have posited that density of a particular population facilitates the growth of collective behavior (McAdam et al., 1988). The classic example is the movement of blacks from southern rural areas to urban environments as a precipitating condition for the civil rights movement (Morris, 1984). Computer networks that allow two-way communication can facilitate an "artificial" density of an aggrieved population. When individuals discover others who share like concerns and problems, the solidarity and community that typically arises from dense populations is the result. This dynamic is demonstrated clearly in the men's movement conference on Peacenet, where men want to discuss issues relevant to progressive men's identities are able to find others like themselves. Through networking with others who share similar concerns, these participants develop a collective identity and are encouraged to become active in the movement. Although it seems questionable how much computers actually precipitate mass action through creating artificial density, indicators of this dynamic do exist. Rather than precipitating the kind of uncoordinated mass action that occurred in many local sites after the Rodney King verdict (propelled by mass media accounts), computers are facile at cheaply coordinating actions such as Amnesty International's letter-writing campaigns, which require both a sense of outrage and detailed information to carry out effective action. Burgeoning private communication networks, such as America Online and Prodigy, are evidence that this type of aggregation and identity development will become more important as technology becomes available to wider audiences.

 

Coalitions and Coordination

Another area of social movement scholarship that activist computer networks are ideally configured to study is the connection between different social movement organizations (SMOs) within a broader movement. McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald (1988) call these broad groupings of SMOs pursuing similar goals "social movement industries" (SMIs). Furthermore, given the broad-reaching membership of large communication networks IGC, it is possible to examine the connections not only between SMOs within an SMI, but also across different SMIs. It is clear that the groups focusing on gay and lesbian rights are not in the same SMI as groups promoting bans on nuclear power. But it is equally clear that there are some activists who are involved in both efforts and that there is ideological overlap between such activists' agendas. A large, diverse, umbrella organization such as IGC provides a unique opportunity to study this overlap both in membership and in ideology. In most conference-related networks, participants "subscribe" to certain conferences in which they intend to participate regularly. Examining overlapping subscriptions to different groups' conferences within an SMI and across SMIs would provide an excellent representation of activist connections and the overall network. Furthermore, combining this type of network analysis with qualitative analyses (Danowski, 1982; Williams, Rice, and Rogers, 1988) of the content of both narrowly-focused conferences and more generalist ones can provide information about the ideological sympathies of participants in the movements.

Beyond simply mapping out the network, there has been a call for research on "under precisely what conditions we can expect competing SMOs to cooperate" (McAdam et al., 1988). The computer network is an ideal research site to begin addressing this question. Because only a small portion of movement activity takes place in this setting, the researcher working with activist networks is unlikely to answer the question completely. She or he will find, however, a record of information that is difficult to find elsewhere--namely, recorded interactions between members of different SMOs and SMIs under conditions of both collaboration and competition.

IGC itself is somewhat of an advance on the previous status of organizing in the social movement arena. It is doubtful that an umbrella organization with such a large and diverse membership has ever existed, much less endured or enjoyed the growth that IGC has. Whereas previous coalition organizations have been created for a singular purpose or under a single ideological identity (Ryan, 1992), IGC--although it certainly has an ideology--is held together mainly through what can be considered a tactic or a resource: communication. Coalitions that have organized around a single goal often cannot maintain their own existence after the goal has been removed, either through success (e.g., the anti-pornography organizations analyzed by Curtis and Zurcher, 1973) or through a structural change that makes immediate pursuit of the goal no longer reasonable (e.g. the defeat of the equal rights amendment, [Ryan, 1992]). With no immediate direction left for the group, the attempt to re-focus often ends in divisive reactions, particularly because groups united for one purpose are sometimes made up of smaller groups that have little else in common ideologically. If, however, ideology is not the force that brought an organization or individual into another organization, ideological changes (either inside the group or in the political climate) are much less likely to determine future participation. Thus in IGC or Peacenet, the umbrella remains stable because of what it provides to its participants, communication. Unless an easier or more efficient means of communication evolves to compete with these organizations, it is unlikely that the umbrella will fold.

 

CHARACTERISTICS OF COMPUTER-USING ACTIVISTS

Despite the amazingly long reach of computer networks, implications for mobilization to action are limited because the population of computer users is sparse and highly specialized. For example, SoliNet, a Canadian labor conferencing network, connects over 20 different labor unions, but less than one-third of one-percent of its potential individual members are actually users of SoliNet (Illingworth, 1994). One reason for sparse membership in activist networks is that start-up costs are prohibitive for many activists and potential activists, limiting mass access to the networks. This problem is especially acute in less-developed areas where computers are especially difficult to access. Although the prices of computers and modems are falling, and many people can avoid these costs by accessing networks through educational or work facilities, many others simply cannot participate because of their economic situations.

An even more significant obstacle is the time and effort that must be invested to master the technical details required to participate on the network. Although organizations such as IGC provide remarkably complete user manuals, the computer systems themselves are not particularly user friendly and can scare off potential users, thus limiting the reach of the network. Beyond learning how to use computers and access networks, users must become aware of the activist potential of the computer and locate these social movement forums within the computing world. Owning a computer and knowing how to operate its communication apparatus does not guarantee that activists will discover organizations such as IGC.

One process that can help overcome the elite-user problem depends on the connection of computer-using actors to activists in non-computer movement environments. If activists who participate on the network act as nodes, linking non-users to the computer format and eventually to other non-users who are connected to other nodes, the network functions to diffuse information throughout the movement. It is this model which is used by the AFL-CIO's LaborNet (on CompuServe) to connect union leaders throughout the United States, thereby indirectly linking the larger constituency (Illingworth, 1994). Those who participate on the network can gather information from the network and transfer it to other activists through more traditional means. Likewise, these network nodes can gather information from traditional means and local activists and then post it on the network.

Analyzing conference records allows easy observation of activists posting information about movements operating in their own local areas. The complementary end of the process is much less certain. Computer records do not tell how well activists collect information from the network and then use the information to further traditional means of collective behavior. If the people who participate on the net are not involved in organizations other than computer conferences, the implications of the network for mass action are significantly diminished.

 

CONCLUSION

The ultimate effects of improved communication through computerization on inequality and access to political power are difficult to predict. Nevertheless, it is clear that this technology is changing some of the contexts and processes of social movements. These changes both propose challenges and provide opportunities for understanding social movements and other types of collective behavior. Access to computer-mediated communication has become an important resource for activists and will continue to grow as a tool for activism. Understanding attempts to distribute access to this social movement resource as well as attempts to curtail mobilization by preventing or limiting access are important concerns with which resource mobilization scholars must grapple. Resource mobilization scholars must also examine the process of coordination that is unique to computerized communication. New social movement scholars will likewise find fertile data from computer sources with regard to identity-building processes and attempts to develop solidarity.

Possibilities for examining intersections of resource mobilization and new social movement theories also exist within the computer domain. Analyzing the activity of computer-using activists as they attempt to establish a connection between the network and non-users provides an important interface between these two theoretical approaches. The node activist's sense of responsibility in carrying out this essential resource mobilization function is likely rooted in the strength of his or her identity and ideological commitment to the social movement. This essay touches only a few issues related to social movements that can be investigated through computer networks. Among important issues neglected herein is the notion of abeyance structures (Taylor, 1989), which sustain movements in times when mass support is not evident. Computer networks are full of movements that appear to be in abeyance yet can be sustained through a relatively small number of activists on the network even if the activists are widely scattered geographically and have no opportunity for face-to-face communication.

Another important issue not addresses here involves the position of a particular identity group within a given movement and the attempts of this group to influence the larger movement. Historical examples include Morris's (1984) discussion of the role of women in the civil rights movement and Ryan's (1992) discussion of minority women inside the contemporary women's movement. Particularly salient recently have been data on the place of African Americans, Latinos and Bisexuals within the gay and lesbian movement as well as the position of gay and lesbian activists within other movements such as the Irish National Liberation Movement and the IRA, and within the African National Congress in South Africa. All of these issues are discussed extensively and passionately in activist computer conferences. Finally, a last issue that might be investigated using data from computer networks is the rise of a new movement through the development of grievances within a "parent" movement (Buechler, 1993). For example, the information discussed in the various gay/lesbian conferences, and particularly in those dedicated to bisexual issues, allows us to observe the development of the bisexual movement within, and as a reaction to, the gay and lesbian movement.

The computer activist network is a virtually untapped resource for data about social movements that can provide a great deal of information about the processes of social movements. Perhaps the most attractive feature of these computer networks is the accurate and easily traceable path left by activists. Although collective behavior and social movement attitudes often develop in observable settings, records of such events are sometimes difficult to obtain and frequently rely on participants’ memories. Actions and attitudes that develop on computer networks allow for systematic data collection that is often not available in other social movement forums. It should be recognized, however, that the records on communication networks are often incomplete. Participants communicate with others outside the computer network and spend time thinking about and working on movement activity completely independent of the computer. Nevertheless, records of communication which occurs on the network can be remarkably more complete than records of analogous written communication in earlier movements, and these data provide an essential supplement to more traditional types of data about collective behavior and social movements.

 

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