This dissertation is, primarily, a contribution to a body of literature
in philosophy of science that is often called the science and values
debate. In brief, this debate concerns the legitimate influence
that ethical and political values may have on scientific inquiry.
In the terminology that I introduce, isolationists
believe that this influence is only legitimate in certain aspects of
scientific inquiry, such as the choice of research problems; however,
these values may not legitimately influence the standards for knowledge
itself, which must, on this view, remain ``value-free.'' By
contrast, transactionists
believe that this influence is, at least in principle, legitimate with
respect to all aspects of scientific inquiry, including the standards
for knowledge.
This debate is normally, and inadequately, construed as an
epistemological controversy: What role should values play in
normative epistemology? I argue that it is in fact better
construed in terms of the social relations between several kinds of
concrete, goal-oriented, social or collaborative activities --- between
different human practices. In the first few chapters, I develop a
general conception of such practices, developing the work of Alasdair
MacIntyre and drawing on John Dewey and work in philosophy of science
of the past thirty years. I then develop two distinct conceptions
of science as a practice, and use them to recast the science and values
debate ``from the perspective of practice.'' The question, on
this construal, is (for example) how should the practice of scientific
inquiry be related to such activities as feminist activism and
corporate profit-seeking? In the words of the title, the debate
concerns the relationship between scientific practices and their social
context. Key to this reconstrual are a pair of claims that I call
the connection hypotheses.
These hypotheses claim that the two basic positions in the science and
values debate depend on the two distinct conceptions of science.
One, a ``narrowly'' epistemic conception, leads to isolationism; the
second, a ``broader,'' more pragmatic conception, leads to
transactionism. In other words, the epistemological construal
conceals rival assumptions concerning the goals and social organization
of scientific inquiry.
In the long final chapter (roughly the final 25% of the dissertation),
I attempt to support the intuition that certain kinds of influence on
scientific inquiry --- such as excessive commodification or
manipulation for the sake of partisan political gain --- are forms of
injustice, but others --- such as feminist critique of androcentric
assumptions --- are not. To do so, I show how the conception of
practice can be embedded within and inform a conception of justice from
liberal political philosophy. This leads me to consider whether
the conception of practice --- which emphasizes collaboration and
social interdependence, and which is the product of a deeply
anti-individualist intellectual tradition --- is really compatible with
liberal individualism.
Philosophy
recovers itself when it ceases to be a device for dealing with the
problems of philosophers and becomes a method, cultivated by
philosophers, for dealing with the problems of [humanity].
John Dewey
Works in progress
These papers are in draft form; please do not quote
without contacting me first. Comments are highly
appreciated!
Rawls' rationalist conception of personhood (in preparation for journal submission)
In this paper, I
consider the work of Otto Neurath. In the first half of the
twentieth century, Neurath was an economist, public educator, socialist
activist, and logical empiricist. Over the last 15 years or so
Neurath has received considerable attention by historians of philosophy
of science as a member of the previously-neglected ``Left Vienna
Circle,'' a precursor to certain contemporary positions in the science
and values debate, and a pivotal figure in an alternative narrative of
the history of twentieth-century philosophy of science. *[cites to
Steel Belt narrative] In the first section, I consider an objection to
this recent work on Neurath from feminist historian of science Sarah
Richardson. Among other things, Richardson claims that Neurath
embraced a version of the value-free ideal; while he was a Marxist, he
was a ``Neutral Marxist,'' who treated Marxism as an academic theory
rather than a social movement. While I find Richardson's
objections unsupported by the evidence that she offers, I believe she
does legitimately raise the question of the value of Neurath for
contemporary debates over science and values. Then, in the second
section, I offer my answer to this question by examining Neurath's work
on the foundations of economics in the early 1920s. I argue that
Neurath's contributions to logical empiricism, movement socialism, and
economics were already deeply intertwined at this point. While I
do not believe that Neurath offers anything like a philosophical
account of the relationship between science and politics, he does offer
contemporary thinkers some important examples and models.
In the first few
sections of this paper, I introduce the central conceptions of my
conception of practice, a certain kind of goal-oriented collaborative
activity. Science is a primary example of such an activity, and I
present two conceptions of science as a practice. I then use
these conceptions to consider the relationship between scientific
practices and ethical and political values. I argue that the two
sides of this debate actually assume rival conceptions of scientific
practice, and that this explains certain features of the debate.
Consequently, it must be understood ``sociologically'' rather than
epistemologically.
Publications
Links are (descending order, as available) to DOI, the publisher's site for the article, or a local PDF. Offsite links open in a new tab.
Helen Longino's account of objectivity has been highly
regarded by both feminist and mainstream philosophers of science.
However, I have encountered three feminist philosophers who have all
offered one especially compelling feminist critique of Longino's view:
far from vindicating or privileging the work of feminist scientists,
Longino's account actually requires the active cultivation of
anti-feminist and misogynist scientists to balance out the possibility
of feminist bias. I call this objection the Nazi problem, for the
particular version that claims that her view requires even the active
cultivation of Nazi scientists in objective inquiry. In this paper I
consider one response to the Nazi problem, which I call the good faith
argument. I show that the good faith argument itself is just as
objectionable, on feminist grounds, as the Nazi problem it is meant to
address.
I
show that the ideal of value-neutral science policy is deeply connected
to libertarian political philosophy, and hence is neither truly
value-neutral nor uncontroversial.
Locke
and Hobbes had very different conceptions of the state of nature, and I
believe there is a parallel split in fundamental political philosophies
in our own society.
What
is radical feminism? What makes it different from other
claims
about the status of women and our notions of gender? A
preliminary answer to these questions.
The
underrepresentation of women and other groups within STEM
(science-technology-engineering-mathematics) fields is usually regarded
as a problem of numbers. I adapt Iris Marion Young's account
of
injustice as oppression to sketch an account of underrepresentation as
a problem of injustice.
Pleonexia, a vice in the Aristotelian scheme, is now the driving force
of modern productive work.
Alasdair MacIntyre
Old papers
Papers dated before Spring 2008 are primarily old seminar papers that I
thought turned out especially well. Several of these papers are
deprecated, and either do not (accurately, at least) reflect my current
views or are flawed in important ways.
I consider Intelligent
Design as a scientific, rather than pseudo-scientific theory. I
argue that Intelligent Design is unacceptable as a scientific theory
because it lacks explanatory power and cannot generate a fertile
progressive research programme.
I
argue that the standard presentation of Einste's `hole argument' fails
to capture Einstein's argument accurately, and that the standard
solution by appeal to diffeomorphic equivalence is inappropriate for
Einstein's version. Some implications for the significance of
general covariance are indicated.
I
show that the ideal of value-neutral science policy is deeply connected
to libertarian political philosophy, and hence is neither truly
value-neutral nor uncontroversial.
A version of this paper was presented at the 2010 Philosophy of Science Association meeting in Montréal. Both the slides and a recording (MP4, 114 MB) of the talk are available.
In Science,
truth and democracy
Philip Kitcher describes an ideal for science policy that he calls
well-ordered science. In an endnote, he claims well-ordered
science is related to the well-ordered society of John Rawls' A
theory of justice. I
examine this connection. This paper is deprecated.
I
distrust those people who know so well what God wants them to do,
because I notice it always coincides with their own desires.
I
consider the charge that Martha Nussbaum's Capabilities Approach is
inappropriately intuitionistic.
I show, not only how she can respond to this charge, but use
this
response to clarify the connection between the Capabilities Approach
and Aristotelean ethics.
I first work out just what
Rawls means by the priority of right and the priority of good. I then
interpolate and discuss an argument (which I attribute to him --
incorrectly) against the priority of good. I argue that it is not
successful, suggesting along the way that neither the priority of right
nor the priority of good is really the best way to relate these two.
Justice should refer not only to distribution, but also to the
institutional conditions necessary for the development and exercise of
individual capacities and collective communication and cooperation.
A
broad reply to Russell' s and Reichenbach's arguments that geometry is
not synthetic a priori.
This paper formed the basis for my writing
sample for admission to Notre Dame. This paper is
deprecated.
I
show that, contrary to a line of argument common in the philosophy of
mathematics literature, the sheer fact that all mathematical theories
are interpretable in set theory does not imply that set theory can be a
foundations for mathematics.
Taught
from their infancy that beauty is woman's sceptre, the mind shapes
itself to the body, and, roaming round its gilt cage, only seeks to
adorn its prison.
Argues
that there is an unavoidable contradiction between two sections of
Locke's Essay concerning human understanding, dealing with materialism and
his argument for the existence of God.
I analyze The
philosophical gourmet
for
evidence of bias against women and to model the factors that
contribute to its rankings. I conclude that it is not biased
against women, but does exhibit a substantial bias towards departments
with unearned authority.
Globally, the Racial Contract
creates Europe as the continent that dominates the world; locally,
within Europe and the other continents, it designates Europeans as the
privileged race.