| The Zionist revolution has always rested
on two pillars: a just path and an ethical leadership. Neither
of these is operative any longer. The Israeli nation today
rests on a scaffolding of corruption, and on foundations of
oppression and injustice. As such, the end of the Zionist
enterprise is already on our doorstep. There is a real chance
that ours will be the last Zionist generation. There may yet
be a Jewish state here, but it will be a different sort, strange
and ugly.
There is time to change course, but not much. What is needed
is a new vision of a just society and the political will to
implement it. Nor is this merely an internal Israeli affair.
Diaspora Jews for whom Israel is a central pillar of their
identity must pay heed and speak out. If the pillar collapses,
the upper floors will come crashing down.
The opposition does not exist, and the coalition, with Arik
Sharon at its head, claims the right to remain silent. In
a nation of chatterboxes, everyone has suddenly fallen dumb,
because there's nothing left to say. We live in a thunderously
failed reality. Yes, we have revived the Hebrew language,
created a marvelous theater and a strong national currency.
Our Jewish minds are as sharp as ever. We are traded on the
Nasdaq. But is this why we created a state? The Jewish people
did not survive for two millennia in order to pioneer new
weaponry, computer security programs or anti-missile missiles.
We were supposed to be a light unto the nations. In this we
have failed.
It turns out that the 2,000-year struggle for Jewish survival
comes down to a state of settlements, run by an amoral clique
of corrupt lawbreakers who are deaf both to their citizens
and to their enemies. A state lacking justice cannot survive.
More and more Israelis are coming to understand this as they
ask their children where they expect to live in 25 years.
Children who are honest admit, to their parents' shock, that
they do not know. The countdown to the end of Israeli society
has begun.
It is very comfortable to be a Zionist in West Bank settlements
such as Beit El and Ofra. The biblical landscape is charming.
From the window you can gaze through the geraniums and bougainvilleas
and not see the occupation. Traveling on the fast highway
›hat takes you from Ramot on Jerusalem's northern edge
to Gilo on the southern edge, a 12-minute trip that skirts
barely a half-mile west of the Palestinian roadblocks, it's
hard to comprehend the humiliating experience of the despised
Arab who must creep for hours along the pocked, blockaded
roads assigned to him. One road for the occupier, one road
for the occupied.
This cannot work. Even if the Arabs lower their heads and
swallow their shame and anger forever, it won't work. A structure
built on human callousness will inevitably collapse in on
itself. Note this moment well: Zionism's superstructure is
already collapsing like a cheap Jerusalem wedding hall. Only
madmen continue dancing on the top floor while the pillars
below are collapsing.
We have grown accustomed to ignoring the suffering of the
women at the roadblocks. No wonder we don't hear the cries
of the abused woman living next door or the single mother
struggling to support her children in dignity. We don't even
bother to count the women murdered by their husbands.
Israel, having ceased to care about the children of the
Palestinians, should not be surprised when they come washed
in hatred and blow themselves up in the centers of Israeli
escapism. They consign themselves to Allah in our places of
recreation, because their own lives are torture. They spill
their own blood in our restaurants in order to ruin our appetites,
because they have children and parents at home who are hungry
and humiliated.
We could kill a thousand ringleaders and engineers a day
and nothing will be solved, because the leaders come up from
below — from the wells of hatred and anger, from the
"infrastructures" of injustice and moral corruption.
If all this were inevitable, divinely ordained and immutable,
I would be silent. But things could be different, and so crying
out is a moral imperative.
Here is what the prime minister should say to the people:
The time for illusions is over. The time for decisions has
arrived. We love the entire land of our forefathers and in
some other time we would have wanted to live here alone. But
that will not happen. The Arabs, too, have dreams and needs.
Between the Jordan and the Mediterranean there is no longer
a clear Jewish majority. And so, fellow citizens, it is not
possible to keep the whole thing without paying a price. We
cannot keep a Palestinian majority under an Israeli boot and
at the same time think ourselves the only democracy in the
Middle East. There cannot be democracy without equal rights
for all who live here, Arab as well as Jew. We cannot keep
the territories and preserve a Jewish majority in the world's
only Jewish state — not by means that are humane and
moral and Jewish.
Do you want the greater Land of Israel? No problem. Abandon
democracy. Let's institute an efficient system of racial separation
here, with prison camps and detention villages. Qalqilya Ghetto
and Gulag Jenin.
Do you want a Jewish majority? No problem. Either put the
Arabs on railway cars, buses, camels and donkeys and expel
them en masse — or separate ourselves from them absolutely,
without tricks and gimmicks. There is no middle path. We must
remove all the settlements — all of them — and
draw an internationally recognized border between the Jewish
national home and the Palestinian national home. The Jewish
Law of Return will apply only within our national home, and
their right of return will apply only within the borders of
the Palestinian state.
Do you want democracy? No problem. Either abandon the greater
Land of Israel, to the last settlement and outpost, or give
full citizenship and voting rights to everyone, including
Arabs. The result, of course, will be that those who did not
want a Palestinian state alongside us will have one in our
midst, via the ballot box.
That's what the prime minister should say to the people.
He should present the choices forthrightly: Jewish racialism
or democracy. Settlements or hope for both peoples. False
visions of barbed wire, roadblocks and suicide bombers, or
a recognized international border between two states and a
shared capital in Jerusalem.
But there is no prime minister in Jerusalem. The disease
eating away at the body of Zionism has already attacked the
head. David Ben-Gurion sometimes erred, but he remained straight
as an arrow. When Menachem Begin was wrong, nobody impugned
his motives. No longer. Polls published last weekend showed
that a majority of Israelis do not believe in the personal
integrity of the prime minister — yet they trust his
political leadership. In other words, Israel's current prime
minister personally embodies both halves of the curse: suspect
personal morals and open disregard for the law — combined
with the brutality of occupation and the trampling of any
chance for peace. This is our nation, these its leaders. The
inescapable conclusion is that the Zionist revolution is dead.
Why, then, is the opposition so quiet? Perhaps because it's
summer, or because they are tired, or because some would like
to join the government at any price, even the price of participating
in the sickness. But while they dither, the forces of good
lose hope.
This is the time for clear alternatives. Anyone who declines
to present a clear-cut position — black or white —
is in effect collaborating in the decline. It is not a matter
of Labor versus Likud or right versus left, but of right versus
wrong, acceptable versus unacceptable. The law-abiding versus
the lawbreakers. What's needed is not a political replacement
for the Sharon government but a vision of hope, an alternative
to the destruction of Zionism and its values by the deaf,
dumb and callous.
Israel's friends abroad — Jewish and non-Jewish alike,
presidents and prime ministers, rabbis and lay people —
should choose as well. They must reach out and help Israel
to navigate the road map toward our national destiny as a
light unto the nations and a society of peace, justice and
equality.
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