Working Papers #131 - 140Click Working Paper title to download (requires Adobe Acrobat Reader). Please note, not all papers are available for download at this time. Industrialization Process, Employment, and Income Distribution in Mexico: Issues and StrategiesKwan S. Kim Working Paper # 131 January 1990 Kwan S. Kim is Professor of Economics and departmental fellow of the Kellogg Institute at the University of Notre Dame. He has served as an economic consultant for governments of developing countries and for international agencies. He has written numerous books and articles on trade and development and planning and industrialization, with special interests in East Asia, East Africa, and Latin America. Recent publications include Mexico: Development Strategies for the Future (with Denis Goulet) and Política industrial y desarrollo en Corea del Sur, and he is editor of Papers on the Political Economy of Tanzania and Debt and Development in Latin America. An earlier version of this paper was presented at a symposium sponsored by La Academia de Economía de la SECOFI in Mexico and at a seminar in Argentina organized by the Raúl Prebisch Foundation and the Harvard Institute for International Development. This paper benefitted from many valuable comments and suggestions raised during the seminars, and in particular from the comments of Felipe Jiménez and Pilar Romaguera. Abstract This paper evaluates Mexico's past and present development strategies in terms of their equity and employment implications. It concludes that the current neoliberal stabilization efforts are likely to result in increased income concentration, also leading to the dampening of aggregate demand and economic activities. Given the gravity of the current crisis in Mexico, the paper argues for the urgency of an alternative revitalization strategy with a human face. Such a strategy should include three elements as the cornerstones of future development: the structural shift within the modern sector toward more competitive, higher-value added, more labor-intensive, and diversified activities; the development of the lagging sectors based on the principle of collective self-reliance; and the articulation of linkages in productive and marketing structures between the leading and lagging sectors. Resumen Este artículo evalúa las estrategias mexicanas de desarrollo, tanto pasadas como presentes, considerando sus implicaciones en términos de equidad y empleo. Se concluye que los esfuerzos de estabilización neoliberales actuales tienden a provocar una creciente concentración del ingreso, causando también el desaliento en la demanda agregada y en el nivel de actividades económicas. Dada la relevancia de la crisis presente en México, el artículo plantea la urgencia de una estrategia de revitalización alternativa más humanitaria. Tal estrategia debería incluir tres elementos como claves para el desarrollo futuro: el cambio estructural dentro del sector moderno hacia actividades más competitivas, de mayor valor agregado, trabajo intensivo y actividades diversificadas; el desarrollo de los sectores rezagados de la economía bajo el principio de autonomía colectiva; y la articulación de lazos en las estructuras productivas y de comercialización entre los sectores más adelantados y los más rezagados. (28 pages)
Labor Supply and the Employment Strategies of French and British Shipbuilders, 1890 to 1970Edward H. Lorenz Working Paper #132 - January 1990 Edward H. Lorenz is Assistant Professor of Economics and a Fellow of the Kellogg Institute at the University of Notre Dame. He is the author of a number of articles on managerial strategies and industrial relations, including "Neither Friends nor Strangers: Informal Networks of Subcontracting in French Industry" in Trust: Making and Breaking Cooperative Relations, Diego Gambetta, ed. (1988). He has completed a book on the decline of the British shipbuilding industry. This essay is a revised version of a paper presented at the Sixth Conference of the International Working Party on Labor Market Segmentation, Karl Marx University of Economics, Budapest, Hungary. The author is grateful to Jill Rubery and Paul Ryan who made some useful suggestions for revising the original draft. He would also like to thank Paolla Villa, Frank Wilkinson, and Jonathan Zeitlin for their comments on directly related research. A French version was published in Le Mouvement Sociale, no. 138, January - March 1987. Abstract The employment strategies of French and British shipbuilding employers are contrasted for the period 1890 to 1970. The focus is on the differences in their recruitment, training, and job tenure policies. The paper begins by considering the political determinants of labor supply conditions in each country. The aim is to show how differences in the balance of power among peasants, workers, and industrialists in each country and differences in the relations of these groups to the state structured the labor markets in nationally specific ways. This discussion is followed by an analysis of the impact of these labor supply conditions on the yards' employment policies and consideration is given to the influence of collective bargaining institutions in each country. The study shows that strikingly different employment practices were established in the French and British shipbuilding industries despite the firms sharing a common technology and often competing in the same international markets. Resumen Este artículo compara las estrategias de empleo implementadas por los empleadores de la construcción naval en Francia y Gran Bretaña durante el período 1890-1970, analizando las diferencias en materia de políticas de selección, entrenamiento y estabilidad en el empleo. En primer lugar, se consideran los determinantes políticos que condicionan la oferta de mano de obra en cada país. El objetivo es mostrar cómo diferencias en el balance del poder entre campesinos, obreros e industriales, y diferencias en la relación de estos sectores con el Estado estructuraron el mercado laboral de diversas formas en cada país. Luego, se discute el impacto de las condiciones de la oferta de trabajo sobre las políticas de empleo a nivel de planta, considerándose también la influencia de la acción sindical. El estudio muestra que si bien las firmas comparten tecnologías similares y a veces compiten en los mismos mercados internacionales, las políticas de empleo han sido substancialmente diferentes. (26 pages)
Women, Industrialization and State Policy in CubaHelen Icken Safa with the Federation of Cuban Women Working Paper #133 - December 1989 Helen I. Safa is the author of The Urban Poor of Puerto Rico and the editor of Migration and Development, Women and Change in Latin America, Towards a Political Economy of Urbanization in Third World Countries, and other books. Her articles and reviews on migration, housing, race, ethnicity, education, and women and national development have appeared in a variety of scholarly journals and periodicals. She has served as a consultant in the United States and abroad, particularly Latin America, on immigration and urban planning and women and development. She has taught at Syracuse and Rutgers Universities and was former Director of the Center for Latin American Studies at the University of Florida, where she is currently Professor of Anthropology and Latin American Studies. She is past President of the Latin American Studies Association. During the fall semester 1989 she was a residential fellow at the Kellogg Institute. This study was prepared in collaboration with the Federation of Cuban Women, and in particular with the assistance of Marta Nuñez, Rosa María Cartaya, Margarita Flores, Rita María Pereira, and Raul Ramos. The author wishes to thank the Federation of Cuban Women for their initiative in undertaking, for the first time, a study in collaboration with a North American researcher, and for their enormous investment of time and resources in data collection and analysis. However, this paper represents her own interpretation. The funding for her expenses in conjunction with this research was provided by the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research and the author is particularly grateful to Lita Osmundsen, its former director, for her support and encouragement. Abstract This paper evaluates the impact of paid employment on Cuban women in the post-revolutionary period. The increase in women's labor force participation during this period has been substantial, and is considered a key element of Cuba's revolutionary policy. The study was conducted on a small sample of women textile workers in 1986 in collaboration with the Federation of Cuban Women, and examined changes at the level of the household, the workplace, and participation in mass organizations. The study concludes that, while there have been important gains for Cuban women at all three levels as a result of paid employment, they still face ideological and material obstacles to full equality. These obstacles stem from women's strong identification with their domestic role, which is reinforced by policies at the workplace and at the state level that do not respond adequately to the needs of women workers and continue to treat them as secondary workers in comparison to men. Resumen Este artículo evalúa el impacto del trabajo asalariado sobre las mujeres cubanas durante el período post-revolucionario. La participación femenina en la fuerza de trabajo se ha incrementado en gran medida; tal incremento ha sido un elemento clave de la política revolucionaria cubana. La presente investigación se llevó a cabo sobre una muestra reducida de trabajadores textiles durante 1986 en colaboración con la Federación de mujeres cubanas, examinándose los cambios ocurridos a nivel doméstico, en el lugar de trabajo, y con respecto a la participación en organizaciones de masa. La investigación arroja como conclusión que si bien han habido logros importantes para las mujeres cubanas en los tres niveles mencionados como consecuencia del trabajo asalariado, todavía enfrentan obstáculos ideológicos y estructurales para lograr una igualdad más plena. Estos obstáculos surgen de la fuerte identificación que las mujeres tienen con su rol doméstico, el cual es reforzado por políticas en las fábricas y políticas del estado que no responden adecuadamente a las necesidades de las mujeres trabajadoras, y que continúan tratándolas como trabajadores secundarios en comparación a la mano de obra masculina. (45 pages)
Brazilian Party Underdevelopment in Comparative PerspectiveScott Mainwaring Working Paper #134 - January 1990 Scott Mainwaring is Associate Professor of Government and Senior Fellow of the Kellogg Institute at the University of Notre Dame. He is the author of The Catholic Church and Politics in Brazil, 1916-1985 (Stanford University Press, 1986), and coeditor of and contributor to The Progressive Church in Latin America (Kellogg Institute/University of Notre Dame Press, 1989). He has published articles on political parties, social movements, and transitions to democracy in Latin America. An earlier version of this paper was given at the XIV World Congress of the International Political Science Association, August 28 to September 1, 1988. The author presented some of the ideas at seminars at CEDEC, the Federal University of Minas Gerais, IDESP, and IUPERJ. He is grateful to his colleagues at these institutions for their stimulating comments. He is also grateful to Datafolha, IBOPE, and IDESP for providing information from surveys; and to Caroline Domingo, Margaret Keck, Guillermo O'Donnell, Timothy Power, Timothy Scully, J. Samuel Valenzuela, and an anonymous reader of Political Science Quarterly for helpful criticisms. This paper was published in Political Science Quarterly. Abstract The first half of this paper argues that Brazilian political parties are uniquely underdeveloped. In contrast to the situation in the other more developed countries of Latin America, Brazilian parties have appeared and disappeared with remarkable frequency. The catch-all parties have limited autonomy with respect to the state, and parties have comparatively weak penetration in civil society. In these parties, the attachment of politicians to their parties is exceptionally weak. Politicians often change parties, and party discipline and cohesion in congress are very low. The second half of the paper examines some systemic causes of party underdevelopment. Because of the country's extreme social and economic inequalities, the masses do not participate effectively in the political system, and most of the electorate is relatively indifferent to issues and parties. The state bureaucracy, rather than parties and the legislature, has been the major focal point of Brazilian politics; this situation is inimical to party development. In response to the complex demands created by the combination of a presidential system, a fragmented multiparty system, and federalism, presidents have consistently attempted to undermine parties. Finally, Brazilian politicians have attempted to prevent more effective parties from emerging, believing that party loyalty and more disciplined parties would limit their ability to attend to their clienteles. Resumen La primera parte de este artículo argumenta que los partidos políticos brasileños son singularmente subdesarrollados. A diferencia de la situación en otros paises más desarrollados de América Latina, los partidos brasileños han surgido y desaparecido con notable frecuencia. Los partidos "catch-all" poseen autonomía limitada con respecto al Estado, y tienen débil penetración en la sociedad civil. Los lazos de lealtad de los políticos a sus partidos son excepcionalmente débiles. Los políticos cambian con frecuencia de partido, siendo la disciplina partidaria y la cohesión en el Congreso bastante bajas. La segunda parte del artículo examina algunas de las causas sistémicas del subdesarrollo partidario. Debido a las extremas desigualdades económicas y sociales del país, las masas no participan efectivamente en el sistema político, en tanto que la mayoría del electorado permanece relativamente indiferente a los debates políticos y los partidos. La burocracia estatal, más que los partidos y la legislatura, ha sido el eje central de la política brasileña; esta situación inhibe el desarrollo partidario. En respuesta a las exigencias complejas creadas por la combinación de un sistema presidencial, de un sistema de partidos fragmentado, y del federalismo, los presidentes han tratado consistentemente de socavar los partidos. Finalmente, los políticos brasileños han intentado prevenir el surgimiento de partidos políticos más efectivos, ya que partidos más disciplinados y la lealtad partidaria podrían limitar su capacidad para atender a las clientelas. (35 pages) El Fondo de la Forma: Actos Publicos de la Campaña Presidencial del Partido Revolucionario Institucional, Mexico, 1988Larissa Adler Lomnitz, Claudio Lomnitz-Adler and Ilya Adler Working Paper #135 - March 1990 Larissa Adler Lomnitz, anthropologist and researcher at the Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, is the author of numerous books and articles. Her works have focused on the reproduction of social classes in Latin America, concentrating especially on the "informal sector," the middle classes, and Mexico's bourgeoisie. Her books include Networks and Marginality (Academic Press) and A Mexican Elite Family (Princeton University Press). Claudio Lomnitz-Adler teaches in the Department of Anthropology at New York University. He is the author of Evolución de una sociedad rural (SEP/Fondo de Cultura Económica) and various articles on Mexican culture, politics, and anthropology. His work on regional and national culture was completed for publication. Ilya Adler teaches communications at the University of Illinois in Chicago. He wrote his thesis on the relation between the government and the press in Mexico and has published a number of articles on this subject. This study was supported by the Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, El Colegio de México, and the Tinker Foundation. The authors are grateful for helpful comments from Roberto DaMatta, Ilán Semo, Guillermo de la Peña, and Karen Kovacs. They also gratefully acknowledge the valuable contributions of Grisel Castro and María del Carmen Hernández Beltrán to the field work and bibliographic research. Finally, they thank the Partido Revolucionario Institucional without whose cooperation the field work for this study would have not been possible. However, the authors are completely responsible for the project and the ideas presented herein. Abstract The Mexican political system seeks to confine political change within a continuing one-party framework through the principle of not re-electing its presidents. Every six years the party divides over the selection of a new presidential candidate and regroups and reorganizes itself around the presidential campaign. This paper describes the public events of the PRI's 1988 presidential campaign, offering an overview of these events as political rituals. Starting with a description of the general structure of the campaign, the authors discuss the significance of ambiguity, interpretation, negotiation, and the campaign's vertical orientation. They go on to analyze the conflicting roles of the "president's people" and state bureaucrats, the contradictions between the legal principles of democracy and the hierarchical culture of the politicians, and the relation between the campaign and Mexican nationalism. Resumen El sistema político mexicano busca canalizar el cambio político dentro de la continuidad del uni-partidismo a través del principio de la no-reelección de sus presidentes. Cada seis años, el partido se divide en torno a la selección de un nuevo candidato presidencial y se reordena y recompone a través de la campaña presidencial. En este estudio describimos los actos públicos de la campaña presidencial del PRI de 1988, y los analizamos como rituales políticos. El artículo ofrece una visión global de lo que ocurre en esos rituales; a partir de una descripción de la estructura general de la campaña, se analiza el papel y la importancia de la ambigüedad, la interpretación y la negociación, así como la orientación vertical de la campaña, la contradicción entre los hombres del presidente y los hombres del sistema, la contradicción entre los principios legales de la democracia y la cultura jerárquica de los políticos, y la relación entre la campaña y el nacionalismo mexicano. (41 pages)
"Useful Fools" as Diplomatic Tools: Organized Labor as an Instrument of US Foreign Policy in Latin AmericaPaul G. Buchanan Working Paper #136 - April 1990 Paul G. Buchanan is Assistant Professor of Political Science at the University of Arizona and previously served as Western Hemisphere Area Coordinator and Assistant Professor of National Security Affairs at the Naval Postgraduate School. He has held visiting appointments at CEDES (Argentina), IUPERJ (Brazil), the Center for the Study of Foreign Affairs, the Foreign Service Institute, the Department of State, and the Kellogg Institute (spring semester, 1989). He has written articles on labor administration, labor relations, regime change, state terror, corporatism, and authoritarianism in the Southern Cone, and completed a book titled State, Labor, Capital: Institutionalizing Democratic Class Compromise in the Southern Cone (University of Pittsburgh Press: 1995). This is a revised version of a paper prepared for presentation at the conference on "The United States and Latin American Democracy," University of Southern California, April 6-9, 1989. The author is indebted to William Bollinger and other conference participants for their comments. Additional logistical assistance was provided by Paul Chase, whose support is gratefully acknowledged. Abstract This paper analyzes the role played by organized labor in the formulation and conduct of US foreign policy in Latin America, with particular reference to the field of labor relations and the promotion of democracy in the region. It first traces the historical presence of US labor in Latin America, then moves to a disaggregated analysis of the ideological and economic bases of its foreign policy approach towards the region, an examination of the primary vehicles and instruments used in pursuit of its regional objectives, and brief case summaries as illustrative examples. The paper argues that for both ideological and economic reasons US labor has historically played a negative role in promoting democracy in the region, and in fact has actively engaged in subverting democratic regimes when these did not adhere to the type of economic and ideological guidelines advocated by the US government or the AFL-CIO. However, as a result of the adverse consequences of this traditional stance and of a changing international economic and political climate since the mid-1970s, organized labor has shifted towards a more consistent support for democracy for pragmatic rather than activist reasons. Consequently it now has the potential to be a major promoter of open government and democratic labor relations in Latin America. Resumen Este artículo analiza el rol desempeñado por los sindicatos norteamericanos en la formulación e implementación de la política exterior de los Estados Unidos hacia América Latina, haciendo especial referencia al ámbito de las relaciones laborales y la promoción de la democracia en la región. El análisis delinea primero la presencia histórica de los sindicatos norteamericanos en América Latina. Luego, se analizan las bases económicas y sociales de su política exterior hacia la región, examinando los principales vehículos e instrumentos usados para la obtención de sus objetivos, ilustrados a través de breves estudios de casos. El artículo concluye que, debido a razones económicas y sociales, los sindicatos norteamericanos han jugado históricamente un papel negativo en la promoción de la democracia en la región, habiéndose empeñado activamente en subvertir regímenes democráticos cuando éstos no se adherían a la línea ideológica y política definida por el gobierno norteamericano o la AFL-CIO. Sin embargo, como consecuencia de los resultados adversos de esta postura tradicional y del cambio del clima político-económico internacional, desde mediados de los años setenta, los sindicatos han apoyado consistentemente la democracia, aunque por razones más bien pragmáticas que activistas. El autor concluye que este cambio de actitud hace del sindicalismo norteamericano promotor potencial de un gobierno abierto y de relaciones laborales democráticas en América Latina. (44 pages)
The State of Industry in the Third World in the 1980s: Analytical and Policy IssuesAjit Singh Working Paper #137 - April 1990 Ajit Singh, an Indian economist who graduated from Punjab University and obtained his Ph.D. at the University of California, Berkeley, is currently Fellow and Director of Studies in Economics at Queens' College, University of Cambridge. He is a Visiting Departmental Fellow of the Kellogg Institute and holds the Dr. William M. Scholl Visiting Chair in the Department of Economics at Notre Dame. He has been a senior economic advisor to the governments of Mexico and Tanzania and a consultant to the ILO, FAO, UNCTAD, and UNIDO. He is the author of Takeovers: Their Relevance to the Stockmarket and the Theory of the Firm and coauthor of Growth, Profitability and Valuation, both published by Cambridge University Press. His research has been concerned with North-South interactions and problems of the long-term growth of the world economy. Abstract This paper examines the state of industry in the Third World during the 1980s in a longer term perspective and comments on a range of analytical and policy issues connected with its future development. Two main questions are addressed: In what ways and to what extent has Third World industrialization been affected by the post-1979 world economic crisis? What factors account for the widely divergent industrial performances in the developing countries in the 1980s? Specifically, why has Asian industry done so much better than industry in either Latin America or Sub-Saharan Africa? It is argued here that the industrial crisis in the Third World has been overwhelmingly caused by international market forces. The superior performance of the Asian countries in the 1980s is not due to their greater openness; it was made possible because they were less subject to interest rate, demand, and capital supply shocks. The paper points to serious flaws in the industrial policy proposals of the IMF and the World Bank-privatization, deregulation, liberalization, and closer integration with the world economy. In place of these the author gives an alternative perspective on industrial policy for the developing countries in the 1990s. Resumen Este artículo examina la situación de la industria en los países del Tercer Mundo durante los años ochenta desde una perspectiva de largo plazo y discute una serie de cuestiones analíticas y políticas relacionadas con su desarrollo futuro. Dos problemas centrales son tratados: ¿De qué manera y en qué medida la industrialización del Tercer Mundo ha sido afectada por la crisis económica mundial posterior a 1979? ¿Cuales son los factores que explican la gran divergencia de los desempeños industriales en los países en vías de desarrollo durante los años ochenta? Específicamente, por qué la industria asiática se ha desempeñado mejor que la industria en América Latina o en la región Sub-Sahariana del Africa? Se argumenta que la crisis industrial del Tercer Mundo ha sido preponderantemente causada por las fuerzas del mercado internacional. El desempeño superior de los países asiáticos en los años ochenta no se debe a su mayor apertura, sino a su menor exposición a shocks en las tasas de interés, y en la demanda y la oferta del capital. El artículo señala serios defectos en las políticas de industrialización propuestas por el Fondo Monetario Internacional y el Banco Mundial-privatización, desregulación, liberalización y estrecha integración con la economía mundial. En su lugar, el autor propone una perspectiva alternativa de políticas de industrialización para los países en vías de desarrollo en la década de los noventa. (47 pages)
Los Partidos Politicos Chilenos en la Perspectiva de la Transicion y Consolidacion DemocraticasManuel Antonio Garretón M. Working Paper #138 - May 1990 Manuel Antonio Garretón, a Chilean sociologist, is Senior Researcher and Professor at the Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales (FLACSO) and Dean of Sociology at the Universidad Academia de Humanismo Cristiano, Santiago, Chile. He has published several books and articles on democratization processes, political parties, and the evolution of social sciences in Latin America, including The Chilean Political Process (Unwin and Hyman, 1989). From 1987 to 1990 he was a Senior Fellow of the Kellogg Institute and Visiting Professor of Sociology at the University of Notre Dame. This paper is a revised and expanded version of part of the article "La oposición política y el sistema partidario en el régimen militar chileno. Un proceso de aprendizaje para la transición," which originally appeared in Muerte y Resurrección. Los partidos políticos en el autoritarismo y democratización del Cono Sur, M. Cavarozzi and M.A. Garretón, eds. (Santiago: FLACSO, 1989). Abstract This paper examines the changes that occurred in the Chilean party system under the military regime and their prospects for the process of political democratization. The paper begins by noting changes at different points on the political spectrum-the Right, the Center, and the Left. It then discusses the process of legalization of Chilean parties, which has led to the creation of "legal" parties that do not always coincide with the original "real" ones. The next section shows how party alliances became more flexible as the opposition coalition turned into a democratic governing coalition of the Center and the Left. The final section discusses the transformation of relations between parties and society. There is a certain distrust of parties among sectors of society that, having developed greater autonomy from them, seek new channels of expression and participation. Yet at the same time, social groups show respect for the parties as agents of political representation. Resumen Este artículo examina los cambios ocurridos en el sistema partidario chileno bajo el régimen militar y sus perspectivas para el proceso de democratización política. Los aspectos más significativos a este respecto son: a) Los cambios en los diversos puntos del espectro político: Derecha, Centro e Izquierda. b) El surgimiento de una institucionalidad de los partidos que ha llevado a la creación de partidos "legales" que no siempre coinciden con los partidos "de origen" o "legales". c) La flexibilización del sistema de alianzas a través de la constitución de la coalición de oposición como coalición de gobierno democrático de Centro e Izquierda. d) La transformación de las relaciones entre partido y sociedad, donde se combinan la desconfianza hacia los partidos y la búsqueda de nuevos canales de expresión y participación, con el respeto al papel específico de los partidos como agentes de representación política, y con una mayor autonomía de los sectores sociales respecto de los partidos. (23 pages)
Unlikely Transitions to Uncertain Regimes?
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